Reading 10.1
Charles Nienkirchen
The first generation of leaders of the Christian and Missionary Alliance neither articulated nor practised their view of the Christian life in an historical vacuum. Consequently a precise understanding of early Alliance spirituality necessitates a thorough examination of the ostensible links between the development of the Alliance during its childhood and trends in the broader complex world of late nineteenth-century American evangelicalism. Those persons interested in researching Alliance origins must increasingly devote themselves to this task. Paradoxical as it may seem, such a preoccupation with searching the past for roots is not inconsistent with a futuristic mindset directed toward developing adequate theological/pastoral/missionary responses to the challenges which await the Alliance in its second century.
Theologically speaking, the motto "fourfold gospel" was first coined by Albert Simpson to crystallize and communicate the distinctive doctrinal essence of the Alliance--Christ as Saviour, Sanctifier, Healer and Coming King.1 It currently serves much the same purpose in the Alliance constituency. Interpreted within an historical framework, however, the expression takes on added value. It provides the key to understanding the integral relationship between those pivotal religious experiences which shaped the spiritual journeys of the founder and his associates and the statements of faith which they formulated. Furthermore, it sheds considerable light on the degree to which the Alliance was influenced by various interdenominational, transcontinental movements which conditioned the spiritual expectations of large numbers of Protestants in the United States, British Isles and western Europe during the closing decades of the nineteenth century.
In his commemorative volume Twenty-five Wonderful Years (1914) which he dedicated to Rev. and Mrs. A.B. Simpson, George Pardington, an early Alliance theologian/historian of Methodist extraction, contextualized the genesis of the Alliance. He pinpointed its inspirational and theological dependence upon "five providential movements."2 Pardington concisely identified those nineteenth century movements "whose spirit and purpose fused and focused in the Christian and Missionary Alliance" as: 1) gospel evangelism conducted by Finney, Moody and Sankey, Whittle and Bliss; 2) the Holiness movement in Europe and American as promoted by George Muller, Horatius Bonar, Frances Havergal, Charles Finney and Dr. Walter and Mrs. Phoebe Palmer; 3) the divine healing movement associated with Dorothea Trudel (Switzerland), Pastor Johann Blumhardt (Germany), Pastor Otto Stockmayer (Switzerland), W. E. Boardman and Mrs. Elizabeth Baxter (England), Dr. Charles Cullis, Carrie F. Judd and "Father" Allen (United States); 4) the modern missionary movement let by William Carey and 5) the rebirth of premillennialism advocated by James Brooks (St. Louis) and A.J. Gordon (Boston).3
Complementing Pardington's interpretation of Alliance origins, A.T. Pierson, a Presbyterian promoter of the Keswick movement, had earlier made a general observation regarding the nineteenth-century evangelical revival which further elucidates another salient characteristic of the early Alliance. Pierson commented that the intense desire for increased personal holiness which permeated many streams of evangelicalism in the late nineteenth century was in many instances fuelled by the writings of the mystics; namely, Jacob Bohme, St. Theresa, Catherine of Siena, Madame Guyon, Fenelon, Tauler and William Law.4 More specifically, a study of the contemplative aspects of early Alliance spirituality concentrating on the theme of stillness, which this article purports to do, corroborates Pierson's conclusion. In fact the weight of the evidence warrants the conclusion that any interpretation of early Alliance "deeper life" teaching which does not give due attention to its contemplative dimensions has conspicuous shortcomings.5 It does not offer a satisfactory explanation of the individual and corporate spiritual dynamic which nurtured the experience of the sanctified life on an ongoing basis among early Alliance adherents. The widespread resurgence of interest in Quietism among other evangelicals during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries can also be documented among Alliance pioneers.
Quietism had arisen as a movement in the seventeenth-century Catholic church in France and Italy. Its doctrines and practices were primarily disseminated through the labours and writings of Madame Guyon (1648-1717), Francois Fenelon (1651-1715), and Miguel de Molinos (1640-1697). At the core of Quietist teachings was the dogmatic insistence that the voice of God could only be heard in stillness.6 The movement was eventually proscribed because of a perceived exaggerated emphasis on the prayer of quietude to the neglect of Christian duty. While not in agreement with all that was part and parcel of Quietism, nineteenth-century Holiness leaders were nevertheless attracted to the writings of the aforementioned Quietist figures.7 They publicly recommended Quietist literature as embodying spiritual principles and disciplines necessary for cultivating an interior life devoted to an ever deepening, intimate knowledge of God.8
Simpson traced both his insight into the "power of stillness" and appreciation for the discipline of listening prayer to a book entitled True Peace, which had been given to him by an unidentified friend sometime during the mid-1870s.9 It was comprised chiefly of a distillation of various Quietist treatises by Guyon, Fenelon and Molinos. Compiled anonymously by two Quakers, William Backhouse and James Janson, and intentionally designed for popular consumption, this book appears in a pocket size edition which underwent twelve reprintings between 1813 and 1877.10
The longer title of the work, A Guide to True Peace or The Excellency of Inward and Spiritual Prayer, disclosed its overall contemplative orientation. While an in depth analysis of the book's contents exceeds the limits of this article, the substance of some of its chapter titles - "The Spirit of God Dwells in the Heart of Man," "On Mortification," "On Resignation," "On Self-Annihilation" and "On Perfection, or the Union of the Soul with God" - clearly locates the book squarely within the mainstream of centuries-old Christian mystical theological tradition.
Significantly, Simpson esteemed his entrance into contemplative spirituality via the medium of Quietist literature as "one of the turning points of [his] life."11 For him, this discovery made possible the experience of "the Sabbath rest of the soul" which he valued as the "sweetest blessing" known to the believer in this life.12 Only by embarking on an inward journey into "the deepest center of the soul" could one be brought to "dwell alone with God in eternal stillness."13 A continuing appreciation in Alliance circles for Quietist literature survived well into the post-Simpsonian era, which is understandable given the seminal contribution of Quietist spirituality to the original Alliance conception of the sanctified life.14
A recognition of the indispensability of stillness to the maturation of the believer's life and ministry radiated beyond Simpson's own experience to his far-reaching network of friends and associates, many of whom regarded him as their spiritual mentor. The testimonies of George Pardington and Sarah Lindenberger are most interesting in this regard. Pardington, who taught at the Missionary Training Institute for more than two decades (1892-1915), recounted in an unpublished document written on Sunday, June 29, 1890, that his "nervous and excitable" nature was seriously impairing his capacity to receive any sense of divine guidance beyond "surface, mere emotional suggestions." He candidly confessed, "I do not know God's voice when He speaks and seldom even hear it."15 Acknowledging his deep-seated need for "God's quietness," Pardington made the following covenant with God:
...I determine and promise to obey God's voice upon every occasion and to any extent. I determine and promise to listen and hear His voice. I determine and promise to be quiet and still upon every occasion till I hear His voice. I will on no occasion do anything until I definitely and satisfactorily get God's voice in regard to it.16
Pardington evidently made this "transaction with God" while a student at New York University and sustained it in good conscience as both an historian and theologian. Historically he was discerning of the "bright and dark side" of monasticism which, though inspired by a commendable longing for "the quiet and seclusion of...desert habitations," soon succumbed to doctrinal and moral aberrations. Pardington was similarly ambivalent about the mysticism of the later Middle Ages. While undeniably capturing a central aspect of historic Christianity that the soul could enjoy direct knowledge of God through meditation and communion, it was at the same time demonstrably prone to "an absorption in spiritual things to the neglect of one's duty."17 The past excesses of monks and mystics, however, did not deter Pardington from positing the ideal of the "mystic-missionary" who was motivated by a theological paradigm of the Christian life in which genuinely fruitful ministry was inextricably linked to a relationship of union and communion with the Lord.18 Such a desired depth of spiritual intimacy could not be nurtured apart from a posture of quietness, patient waiting and listening to the voice of God on the part of the believer. Pardington's collection of "Quiet Hour Talks," published in 1902 as The Still Small Voice, offers ample indication of his commitment to a vision of the deeper life defined in contemplative/active terms.19
Sarah Lindenberger, who first associated with A.B. Simpson in 1882 and served as deaconess in the Berachah Home for healing from 1884 to 1917, had an equally profound sense of the vital role of stillness in expanding the believer's experience of the sanctified life. Shortly after commencing her healing ministry, the heavy toll extracted on her naturally frail anatomy by the intensive demands of the work brought her to a state of "nervous prostration." She regarded her life at this point as "hanging by a thread." As a result of this personal crisis, Miss Lindenberger recounted in her autobiography that she was brought to the realization that she "could not depend upon others to pray for [her]" and that she was being summoned by the Holy Spirit "to be alone with God, to depend upon Him and receive from Him" (italics are hers).20
The experience of stillness for Lindenberger had numerous benefits. Not only was "a recollective spirit" accompanied by "a deep, abiding rest and peace" but it was also "far more pleasing to [God] than the rush of self-effort and planning" which typified much of the Christian activism of the day. Furthermore, a quietness of the soul which allowed the believer to be sensitized to "the inwrought prayer of the Holy Ghost" also precipitated entry into both "a life of power and a Sabbath rest of soul."
In the final analysis, a ministry rooted in the personal knowledge of God acquired through stillness, would ultimately prove more fruitful than that done solely in the power of "intellect, or study, or even Bible knowledge, or a worked-up prayer."21 Reflecting on the formula for longevity in truly Spirit-anointed Christian service, Lindenberger recalled:
I have known many Christians who had strong faith, the gift of prophecy, and knowledge, so that they could inspire an audience, were able to prevail at times, in prayer for the sick; and yet, there was something lacking in their deeper life, and their work did not continue strong in God. There was a lack of stillness of soul, and of having Christ manifested in them.22
The demise of "several strong workers, women whom [she] knew personally" further solidified Lindenberger's own convictions. Though these persons were once "used mightily in Christian work" they had "after a time...lost their power" thereby serving as vivid reminders that the Christ-life, with its call to internalize the death and resurrection of Christ, could only come to full bloom in the soil of stillness.23
Early Alliance writers frequently gleaned from nature illustrations of the fundamental principles of the spiritual life. A favourite image used to depict the nature, effects and method of nurturing inner stillness was that of "the dew." Expounding on Hosea 14:5-8, Simpson interpreted the prophet's allusion to dew as "an exquisite description of [God's] cheering and comforting grace" which could be effortlessly received in quietness:
Do you ever get fretted, or heated, or tired, or passionate, and do you wonder why God does not refresh you? Get quiet and cool, and lo! from the surrounding air, which is full of God, you will gather drops of refreshing which will rest, and quiet, and calm you. ...God is always full of quiet and restful love and we must get quiet to take it in, and our hearts will be full of praise. Look up and feel that you touch Him, and then rest in Him. He is not far from every one of us.24
The consequences of receiving the dew were all encompassing, "life for the soul, the body, the heart, the intellect, the whole being."25 It would even "spread refreshing over all" and "sweeten" the believer "for home life...social life...business life." and every sphere for activity where he was divinely led.26
In an address delivered at the Linwood (Ohio) Convention in 1889, Simpson's former Mennonite pastoral colleague, A.E. Funk, underscored that the dew "does not form on a stormy or windy night" but only in an atmosphere of quietness. He likened the natural conditions which inhibit the formation of dew to the "many cares, disturbances of the mind and heart [and] not being right with other people, etc." which prevented numerous Christians from hearing the still small voice of the Lord.27
Pardington bemoaned the wearied condition of many church workers, who though faithfully engaged in Christian service, were nonetheless oblivious to their own spiritual dryness:
Their teaching is Scriptural, their labours are faithful and abundant; but somehow their messages sound old and stale. The secret of the trouble is to be found not in their service, but in themselves. Their own hearts are half famished, yet they recognize it not. Their spirits are drooping for lack of dew.28
As a remedy for this spiritual impoverishment which would restore freshness and fragrance to life and ministry, Pardington prescribed a "daily quiet hour," preferably observed in the evening. This consisted mostly of practising the discipline of meditation designed to foster a "spirit of recollection" throughout the tasks of the following day. The hour of meditation, if regularly observed, proved a catalyst for communion and prayer. These three devotional exercises, working in tandem, created the soul climate necessary to bringing the dew.29
The dew as a tangible image of the invisible, silent processes operative in those who had experienced the Spirit's infilling, was rarely described more picturesquely than in F.E. Marsh's Emblems of the Holy Spirit:
The visitations of the Spirit are silent and searching, and yet none the less real and stimulating. Life with its energy, spring with its beauty, gravitation with its attraction...and the earth moving on its axis, are all silent and potent. The Spirit comes not with blare of trumpet, and boom of cannon, but like the gentle dew He comes quietly and surely; and a proof of His infilling is a quiet and gentle life and an unobtrusive manner.30
In another book written specifically to address the needs of a fulltime Christian worker, Marsh, a member of the Missionary Training Institute faculty and associate pastor at Simpson's Gospel Tabernacle, devoted an entire chapter to "The Worker's Isolation." Waiting on God in solitude not only brought the dew but also prompted a self-knowledge which made it possible for impediments to spiritual fruitfulness to be exposed and removed.31 Healthy Christian ministry needed a regular diet of stillness.
Alliance authors frequently juxtaposed the motifs of power and stillness in their discussions of the Spirit-filled life. For Dr. Henry Wilson, Simpson's close friend and Gospel Tabernacle associate, the inner symbiosis of divine power and stillness was intuitively grasped during a visit to Niagara Falls. The thunderous volume of water pouring over the falls became to him "a mirror in which [he] saw the power of God" manifested in the believer through the Holy Spirit. Beyond the whirlpool at the base of the falls, Wilson visualized the river winding its way "to be lost in the calm, deep waters of Lake Ontario" which spoke to him of "the deeper Sea of God's eternal peace."32
In an anthology of Simpson's poetry, two compositions, "The Peace of God" and "Power from on High," fittingly appeared in sequence.33 The "mightiest servants" as they matured, came invariably to appreciate the importance of resting in stillness as the context for releasing spiritual power in ministry. On the appropriateness of silence as an actual form of ministry Simpson wrote:
We learn to believe for the power and the result and count ourselves but instruments in His hand willing sometimes to be used even in our very silence as much as in our service.34
Kenneth Mackenzie, the Alliance's adopted Episcopalian theologian, turned to the figure of Elijah as one in whom the rhythm of solitude and powerful ministry was exemplified. He enjoined all Christians to follow suit:
Be sure, dear Christian, that you are not qualified to enter the home of the widow until you have acquired the curriculum of the brook. Let us plead strongly for the "quiet hour" with God each day, that the service of the day [might] be marked by divine benedictions.35
For Mackenzie, it was only "flesh-depending critics" who erroneously perceived solitude as "lost time" and "doing nothing." When seen from a heavenly perspective, the human priorities of "economics and expediency" paled in comparison with God doing His work in His way. In the divine economy, "the worker is more than the work," hence Mackenzie's emphasis on the quality of one's personal preparation before entering Christian service.36
A recent interpreter of the early Alliance insightfully concluded that "the fourfold gospel...began with the Protestant heritage of salvation" and "did not try to negate or diminish this teaching." However, the Alliance did supplement the Protestant doctrines of justification and conversion with "other compelling elements, attractive in its age, and based squarely in scripture."37 Since the fourfold gospel was more an invitation to nominal Christians to experience divine life than a credal statement by which to safeguard doctrinal orthodoxy, Simpson and the Alliance logically expended their energy on methods of spiritual formation which promoted the Christ-life rather than on abstract theologizing divorced from the realm of practical piety.
The practice of stillness was deemed essential to various aspects of early Alliance spirituality, notably, prayer, the Spirit-filled life, healing, education and conventions. Like many Orthodox/Catholic/Protestant writers before him who identified themselves with the mystical tradition, Simpson came to recognize that a full-fledged prayer life could not exclude the aspect of listening stillness developed through practising the presence of God in one's inner consciousness. He knew well from his own experience that the mind was relentlessly besieged by a "pandemonium of voices" as well as "a thousand clamoring notes from within and without."38 Thus, the ancient discipline known to medieval mystics as the prayer of "recollection" proved a workable strategy for combatting mental distractions and was thus recommended as a means of abiding in Christ.39 Developing the habit of constant prayer did not necessitate the artificially separated environment of the monastery which Simpson deplored as never having generated "a wholesome type of Christian experience." The prayer of "recollection" could be effectively cultivated in the mundane world of multiple demands, trials and temptations. Far from being an obstacle to prayer, Simpson saw daily difficulties as an "incentive to communion with God."40
For Simpson, the "highest ministry of prayer" (intercession) took on new power and focus when directed by the "deepest kind of prayer" (silence).41 Pardington similarly described the complete prayer cycle in terms of "inwrought and outwrought prayer."42 He further contended that the disappearance of the prophetic gift from contemporary preaching was directly attributable to the failure of overworked pastors to receive spiritual vision because of their neglect of "retirement" and "recollection." As a result, their parishioners received "manufactured" sermons rather than messages "prepared in the guidance of the Holy Spirit."43
Verbal discourse admittedly had definite limitations when entering new depth of union with the Lord. The "prayer of silence," however, enabled the believer to savour those moments of "deep communion too sacred for speech where the heart of love sinks into the heart of God in unutterable oneness, worship, and stillness."44 The soul's "deep longing" for intimacy with Jesus could only be found in "God's quiet, the inner chambers, the shadow of the Almighty and the secret of His presence." When entering "into the shadow," Simpson described the believer as being "lost to the sight of himself...to the sight of others and overshadowed by what he might call gloom." The only prerequisite for attaining this state of restful communion was "to cease...thinking, questioning, planning, fearing...trying...listening...answering the tempter and to hide one's head on the bosom of Jesus...."45 Conversely, at less favourable times when this communion was unexplainably interrupted by an overwhelming sense of separation from the Lord, a "quiet restful assurance" was regarded as the heart posture most conducive to restoring inner peace.46
The commitment of Simpson, Pardington and other Alliance leaders to making silence a part of their spiritual exercises evidently filtered down to their disciples. Josephus Pulis, a converted alcoholic who served both as an elder of the Gospel Tabernacle and as a member of the Board of Managers for many years, was a case in point. He noted "how few people [knew] God in a quiet, restful way" because they chose instead to be preoccupied with "so-called works which will be burned up." His counsel to spiritual seekers was to begin each day with waiting before God "quietly, trustfully [and] restfully."47 Pulis maintained that silence increased one's receptivity to "the gentle ways in which God comes" through "instinct, intimation and intuition."48 Having imbibed some of the teaching of the Carmelite monk, Brother Lawrence, and the Quietist, Madame Guyon, it was Pulis's custom to engage in silent meditation for a half-hour prior to the daily morning and afternoon services conducted in the chapel of New York Christian Home for Intemperate Men where he served as Assistant to the Manager.49
At the heart of its proclamation of the Spirit-filled life, the early Alliance preached a doctrine of Spirit-baptism subsequent to regeneration. This blessing was not considered automatic. Rather, it was to be preceded by a time of waiting in stillness which could not be profitably short-circuited. To the Alliance founder, reenacting the Apostles' days of waiting in the Upper Room was "a discipline of self-crucifixion" without which there would be no "deep and full" reception of the Spirit.50 Simpson underscored the importance of this preparatory period in The Holy Spirit:
And so it [is] necessary that these days should be spent in waiting and learning to be silent, and forming the habit of the suspension of our own activity, and the dependence of our will entirely upon the direction of the Holy Ghost.51
Waiting in solitude and quietness allowed the Spirit to search the innermost recesses of the heart and reveal one's "folly...failures [and] need."52 Simpson knew the shallow sense of the divine presence which would result where the season of sustained stillness in anticipation of the Spirit's coming was aborted:
These days of waiting are important that we may listen to God's voice. We are so busy that we cannot hear. We talk so much that we give Him no chance to talk to us. He wants us to hearken to what He has to say to us. He wants us on our faces before Him, that He may give us His thought, His prayer, His longing and then lead us into His better will....Beloved we do not wait enough upon the Lord. We do not spend sufficient time at the Mercy seat. We allow the rush and hurry of life to drive us off, and we lose time instead of gaining it, by our reckless haste.53
The benefits of quiet waiting had been borne out for him during his Louisville pastorate when he had set apart a month for seeking the Lord for a baptism of the Holy Spirit. At the same time, he cautioned against a "musty, monkish way of seeking a blessing" which isolated one from the necessary duties of practical life.54 In a later season of life, Simpson's quest for a "deeper and fuller baptism [of the Holy Spirit]" was intensified by times of prolonged waiting.55
The high priority he gave to stillness, however, was not always endorsed. On one occasion a one time Alliance missionary who had switched his allegiance to the Pentecostal movement chastised Simpson for his overdependence on the "still small Voice" which he denounced as a regression to a "past dispensation." Contrary to Simpson's instruction, believers were to be encouraged to expect "the mighty sound of Pentecost" which "suited this age better" and was more in accord with the pattern of the book of Acts.56 This did not comply, however, with Simpson's own experience. After five years of seeking for a "new...Mighty Baptism of the Holy Ghost in His complete Pentecostal fullness embracing all the gifts and graces" Simpson recorded that "tongues or similar gifts" had not come,57 only that the Lord had "met [him] still with the old touch and spiritual sense" with which he had long been familiar.58
In the Alliance theology of the Spirit-filled life, stillness was important in psychologically preparing oneself for the post-regeneration crisis of Spirit-baptism. Moreover it was also recognized as necessary in the continuing process of growing into the fullness of the Spirit which was defined more as "a habit" than "an act."59 In his classic, The Crisis of the Deeper Life (1906), Pardington instructed the Spirit-baptized believer to "spiritually open up his whole being to God" by "waiting upon the Lord" and "drinking in the peace and rest...of the Holy Ghost."60 A life of constant victory over the pressures of temptation was not likely apart from an ongoing sensitive obedience to "the still small voice" within.61
The stillness motif which pervaded the first-generation Alliance understanding of sanctification was equally discernible in its concept of divine healing. The holistic anthropology of early Alliance teachers which stressed the interdependent relationship between body, soul and spirit meant that outer physical ailments were often diagnosed as deriving from inner spiritual maladies, especially that of lack of stillness of soul.62 Divine healing was thought to be most effectively appropriated through stillness. In his treatise, Divine Life for the Body, Kenneth Mackenzie (perhaps the Alliance's preeminent healing theologian) placed learning to wait upon God in stillness at the centre of the divine strategy for making divine health available to the believer:
Undoubtedly, if we learn to wait upon Him in stillness, we shall not only receive His life, but we shall have such experience of His indwelling and vitality as will press us into a service that may truly be to His praise. The indwelling Spirit will not permit those who are responsive to His quickening in any wise to make void the divine method.63
Failing to follow this "divine method" halted the communication of Christ's resurrection life to the believer and potentially induced a serious state of "nervous prostration" and "permanent invalidism" capable of bringing some persons to the brink of suicide. By unlocking the "secret of stillness," the afflicted persons could recover from the acute anxiety brought on by living a strongwilled, overly ambitious life and receive a "vision of God's leisure."64 Josephus Pulis forthrightly claimed that "the mighty prayer of silence" was more potent in delivering him from a near fatal illness than even physical rest and a vacation might have been.65 Henry Wilson depicted divine health as "a veritable 'Gulf Stream' in the ocean of...daily life" which "permeates and penetrates silently...below the surface, the very texture and hidden parts of the human organism" creating "a new atmosphere in one's whole consciousness."66
The healing home, an innovative structure which flourished during the formative years of the Alliance, offered a supportive environment where Wilson's "Gulf Stream" of divine health could flow to seeking persons. First established by Simpson in New York City in 1883, Berachah Healing Home was later moved in 1897 to South Nyack, near the Missionary Training Institute. It was described as:
a commodious building with accommodations for nearly one hundred persons...in a most charming situation...specially fitted up as a temporary resting place for those who desire to wait upon God for quiet teaching, rest and healing.67
As a primary disseminator of the Alliance doctrine of divine healing, the healing home in effect reflected the institutionalization of stillness. In her defence of the legitimate place of the healing home within the overall life of the church, Sarah Lindenberger focused on the need for "a quiet resting place where people could come for careful and thorough Biblical teaching in the things of the Spirit."68 The daily liturgy of the home demonstrated a high commitment to reading Scripture and silence:
We always urge our guests to quietly wait upon the Lord until they clearly see every stepping in the Word of God - if this is not done there is always failure.69
Like her mentors Simpson and Pardington, Lindenberger embraced a balanced contemplative/active model of the Christian life. Thus to her, the healing home did not perpetuate the monastic error of turning solitude and silence into the "business of life." Rather, it was intended for "a season of retirement from the ordinary routine and pressure of life."70 The opportunity for such a temporary "Sabbath" afforded by the healing home, could "perhaps be obtained in no other way."71 This controlled, tranquil atmosphere, free from outside distractions, became a haven for vibrant spiritual renewal. Thousands of persons, many of whom were accustomed to a regular dose of "dry theology" preached in "cold and worldly" churches, here came to experience Christ as Saviour, Sanctifier and Healer.72 Lindenberger was persuaded that "a peaceful spirit" and "cultivating the habit of listening to God's voice in [one's] soul" were necessary to receiving and maintaining divine health. She annually reported the numerous healings which occurred at Berachah Home in meetings characterized by "great simplicity and quietness."73
The value of stillness, eloquently promoted in the writings of early Alliance leaders, was further inculcated in the Alliance rank and file via the media of schools and conventions. Concern for the spiritual life of students was uppermost in the minds of the founder and faculties of the Nyack schools. Though Simpson's New York Missionary Training College was initially situated in a congested, noisy part of New York City, its curriculum nonetheless provided students with a daily opportunity for "meditation and private devotion." This enabled "each one [to] have the privilege for a certain length of time of being alone with God."74
The relocation of the Missionary Training Institute in 1897 to a serene, hillside in Nyack, New York, was an obvious boon to Alliance educators. The new campus with its abundance of "woods...hills...pure air...mountain streams and the far-reaching panorama up and down the [Hudson] river" aptly suited their integrationist educational philosophy in which the academic enterprise was interwoven with physical recreation and religious exercises.75 The 1916-1917 Catalogue for the Missionary Training Institute and the Wilson Memorial Academy acknowledged that "spiritual welfare and mental vigor [were] greatly dependent upon physical well-being." It advertised the lovely natural setting of the schools as a definite incentive for "healthful and pleasurable exercises of much variety."76 More importantly, Nyack Heights was praised as "an ideal spot for communion with nature and with God."77
For the Nyack student community, stillness was not only to be found in the natural environs but was also encouraged by regularly scheduled times of silence. The nightly observance of a "Quiet Hour" intended for "quiet meditation and prayer" was a prescribed part of the students' daily routine supplementing the mandatory half-hour of private devotions before breakfast.78 These private times were further reinforced by a weekly public "Quiet Hour Service" which was the special creation of Dr. George Pardington.79 The Missionary Training Institute Manual (1911) described this "unique public service" as a "hallowed season, combining mental relaxation with spiritual refreshment."80 Commencing with the singing of praises and prayer followed by five to ten minutes of silent prayer, the service concluded with an informal devotional homily by Dr. Pardington. A student high school yearbook commented that "both Dr. Pardington and the students love the Quiet Hour."81 After Pardington's death in 1915 the "Quiet Hour Service" as such apparently disappeared from the Nyack educational agenda.82
It is noteworthy in this regard that a strict observance of the Lord's Day on campus, wholly congruent with the founder's own Sabbatarianism, further enhanced the overall devotional atmosphere of school life.83 William Oliver, who supervised the boys at Wilson Memorial Academy, reported that "quiet hours" were maintained on Sunday from 2 to 3 p.m. Additionally, all "popular song...ragtime music...secular songs or music" were prohibited "on the Lord's Day."84
The "Quiet Hour" also appeared as a distinctive feature of Alliance conventions. In view of A.E. Thompson's assessment that the hundreds of conventions conducted across North America by Simpson and his associates "did more than any other single agency, except Dr. Simpson's pen, to disseminate the truth" of the fourfold gospel, the structure of the convention deserved attention.85 Nowhere else were large numbers of Alliance adherents more intensively exposed to the movement's unique brand of spiritual formation, especially given that the larger annual conventions lasted for a week to ten days and were often held in facilities ideally suited for spiritual reflection because of their scenic, restful location.
The convention format, a creatively devised synthesis of the Holiness camp meeting, Keswick Conference, revivalist evangelistic campaign, missionary convocation and prophetic gathering, demonstrated the same respect for the power of stillness as has already been documented in other areas of Alliance spirituality. A typical daily convention schedule included a Quiet Hour Service from 9 to 10 a.m. which set the stage for the two hours of messages on deeper truth and life which ensued.86 The organizers knew from experience the increased response to the preached Word which came when the heart of the listener had first been drawn into an inner posture of silent waiting and expectation. Indeed, in just such a fertile convention setting, the Alliance had been born at Old Orchard Beach, Maine, in 1887.
The dawn of the twentieth century brought with it a proliferation of mechanical inventions in the fields of industry, transportation and communication. The combined effect of these technological improvements was not only to accelerate the pace of life in Europe and North America but also to impose upon the entire world a scale of commercialization hitherto unknown. Against this backdrop of rapid social change, the accent on stillness in early Alliance spirituality can be seen as an attempt to counteract the erosion of the spiritual life of churches and individual Christians alike. A similar concern was shared by many evangelicals from the late nineteenth century onwards. This was evidenced in the steadily increasing volume of books consisting of daily devotional readings which was published in the years immediately prior to and following World War I. Alliance authors made their own substantial contribution to this genre of literature intended to help new believers have daily quiet times while life around them was becoming ever more hectic.87
Alliance writers were also cognizant of the spreading influence in their time of the New Thought movement, a forerunner of the modern New Age movement. The exotic mixture of oriental religions and cultic beliefs which circulated in the United States at the turn of the century under the label "New Thought" laid claim to a quality of religious experience no longer attainable in many western churches which had succumbed to the materialistic, scientific rationalism of the age. Alliance leaders clearly distanced their experience of stillness from the "Nirvana of the Buddhist" which they dismissed as "a sort of self-annihilation."88 To their credit, however, they did not adopt a defensive, reactionary stance which would have curtailed instruction in the contemplative dimensions of the deeper life because of the risk of its being confused with eastern mysticism. In his critique of the New Thought movement entitled An Angel of Light (1917), Kenneth Mackenzie accepted the infiltration of spiritual "light from Asia" into America as a challenge to western evangelical Christians to rediscover the genuine biblical doctrine and experience of stillness:
Tis well that the New Thought people are challenging us to match their "Silent Hour." God can use that for our good. It may be He is calling us away from the diversified and often fruitless activities of the later day church life. The average sermon of our day...lacks the power of persuasiveness. Are we not to think seriously of the life of worship, of contemplation, of vital communion with God? If we have been saying prayers it becomes us to learn to pray with the understanding and power. We recall how tempestuous Elijah, driven by Jezebel into the wilderness, found himself in Horeb, where thru the wind, the earthquake and the fire, he saw his mission exemplified. But it was only when he heard the "voice of gentle stillness" that God could again commission him. The Psalmist has laid upon us the injunction in his own experience, "My soul is silent unto God"....This in answer to God's own charge, "Be still and know that I am God"....89
In this context, Simpson's official biographer, A.E. Thompson, correctly designated him a "Pauline mystic" and properly referred to the spirituality of the early Alliance as an "evangelical mysticism," understood as an intimate supra-natural communion with God flowing from an inner identification with the death and resurrection of Christ.90 The "soul breathings" of a Brainerd, McCheyne or Edwards which some critics might have been tempted to dismiss as "mysticism," Simpson upheld as "the supreme passion of the sanctified soul" and the highest form of Christian "enthusiasm."91 Standing firmly in a Protestant theological tradition, Simpson and his followers unmistakably differentiated between "peace with God," the "foundation of all deeper experiences and blessings" which was solely the result of the atoning and justifying work of Christ, and the "peace of God," a "deep, divine supernatural rest" which could only be known by actually entering into the deeper life and experience of stillness.92
Some Alliance leaders who witnessed Simpson's spiritual journey evolve in a contemplative direction originally feared that his withdrawal from public ministry might cause the Alliance missionary vision to falter. The organization had come to rely heavily on the founder's boundless flow of energy as well as his diverse talents and spiritual gifts by which the cause of the Alliance was advanced at home and abroad. It was readily conceded, however, that as Simpson's high-profile involvement gave way to a "life of quiet," not only did the fruitfulness of conventions increase but the number of students applying to the Missionary Training Institute "became larger than ever in its history."93 In the eyes of his closest companions at least, Simpson was vindicated.
In his 1919-1920 report Simpson's presidential successor, Paul Rader, commented with a sense of regret on the closure of many healing homes within the Alliance.94 Perhaps the trend which Rader observed was symptomatic of a larger tendency in Alliance circles. As the founder and his circle of associates departed from the scene and the Alliance emerged from adolescence into adulthood, there were indications that some of the bedrock features of early Alliance spirituality were already on the wane.
One of the more subtle alterations in the preaching of the fourfold gospel showed up in a diminishing appreciation for the importance of stillness. As early as 1906, Milton Bales, an Alliance field superintendent, assessed the "short Conventions of from one to three days" as "a mistake." He called for them to be replaced with "fewer (if necessary), but longer Conventions" which provided sufficient time "to get souls through to God" and created the sustained contemplative atmosphere in which spiritual conviction could "deepen."95 By 1921, the evidence of serious spiritual decline within the Alliance constituency was more pronounced. E.J. Richards, secretary of the Home Department, noted the prevalent trend among "so-called full gospel workers to present the truth in such a way that it [did] not lead to definite conscious experience."96 Consequently many persons who subscribed to the fourfold gospel nonetheless failed to experience the power of the Holy Spirit in their lives with "satisfying fullness." The "clear and definite" inner witness of the Holy Spirit to one's regeneration and sanctification deemed essential to prevent the inevitable drift into "worldliness and formalism" was noticeably absent among a growing number of Alliance followers.97
The transition from the first to second generation brought no substantive changes to early Alliance theology. The doctrinal consensus - Christ as Saviour, Sanctifier, Healer and Coming King - apparently remained intact. Alliance orthodoxy was preserved at the institutional level well enough. However, in the innermost spirits of many Alliance people, where the historic truths of the fourfold gospel needed continually to be revealed and embraced by faith, "deep no longer called unto deep."
* His Dominion, 14(4): 2-22 (1989).
1. On the origins of the phrase "fourfold gospel" see "The Opening of the Convention," The Christian Alliance and Missionary Weekly 4 (March 7-14, 1890), p. 157; W. T. MacArthur, Twenty Sermonettes (n.p.: published privately, n.d.), p. 48; Kenneth Mackenzie, "My Memories of Dr. Simpson," The Alliance Weekly 72 (July 31, 1937), pp. 485-87, 490, esp. p. 485.
2. George Pardington, Twenty-five Wonderful Years 1889-1914 (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1914), p. 13.
3. Ibid., pp. 14-17.
4. Arthur T. Pierson, Forward Movements of the Last Half Century (New York, NY: Garland Publishing Inc., 1984; original edition, 1905), pp. 11-12; cf. The Story of Keswick and its Beginnings (London: Marshall Brothers, n.d.)
5. In his impressive lengthy study, Gerald McGraw gives brief attention to the theme of "rest" in Simpson's doctrine of sanctification, but surprisingly, he misses Simpson's emphasis on stillness, acquired through his exposure to Quietism. Simpson's testimony, "The Power of Stillness," does not appear in the 66-page bibliography. See "The Doctrine of Sanctification in the Published Writings of Albert Benjamin Simpson" (Ph.D. thesis, New York University, 1986), pp. 205-10, 296-300.
6. For a succinct scholarly analysis of the rise and demise of Quietism see Elfrieda Dubois, "Fenelon and Quietism" in Cheslyn Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright, Edward Yarnold, eds., The Study of Spirituality (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 408-15.
7. In his study of the nineteenth-century Methodist Thomas Upham, Darious Salter concluded that Upham (like Simpson) married Quietist mysticism to his Holiness theology without surrendering the essentials of his own Protestant theological tradition. See "Thomas Upham and Nineteenth Century Holiness Theology" (Ph.D. thesis, Drew University, Madison, NJ, 1983), esp. pp. 196-247; cf. Upham's Life, Religious Opinions and Experience of Madame Guyon, new edition (London: H.R. Allenson Ltd., 1905). As evidence of the popularity of Quietism in Holiness circles see the anthology of the writings of Fenelon, Guyon and Lacombe edited by James Metcalf, Spiritual Progress or, Instructions in the Divine Life of the Soul (Philadelphia, PA: National Holiness Publishing House, 1883).
8. See Simpson's editorial reference to "the invaluable writings of Madame Guyon" in Living Truths 6 (July 1906), p. 385, and his publication of an article, "The Interior Life" by Madam Guyon in ibid., pp. 421-25. In a book review, Meditations from Fenelon was commended for its "deeply spiritual character." The Christian and Missionary Alliance 32 (July 24, 1909), p. 288; cf. Pardington's evaluation of Guyon and Fenelon as "notable examples of deep piety" who "taught the most utter self-abnegation and entire submission to the will of God." Studies in Church History (Brooklyn, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.) p. 161.
9. A.B. Simpson, "The Power of Stillness," The Christian and Missionary Alliance 33 (October 16, 1909), p. 37. Simpson first preached the sermon "The Still Small Voice" in January 1895. See The Christian Alliance and Foreign Missionary Weekly 14 (January 22, 1895), pp. 57-59, esp. p. 59. Thus "a score of years ago" when he was given a copy of True Peace by a "friend" would extend back to the mid 1870s during his Louisville pastorate. a plausible candidate for Simpson's unidentified friend is the elusive "Miss S." whom he describes in his diary as "full of God--full of faith and power--lifted above all circumstances and dwelling in heavenly places" and "far ahead of us all." See entries in Simpson's Louisville/ New York diary for Nov. 22 and 24, 1879; March 3, 1880, for references to "Miss S." in Simpson Scrapbook, compiled by C. Donald McKaig, unpublished manuscript, pp. 150-51, 152, 178.
10. William Backhouse and James Janson, comps., A Guide to True Peace or The Excellency of Inward and Spiritual Prayer (New York, NY: Harper and Brothers, 1946), p. vii.
11. Simpson, "The Power of Stillness," p. 37; cf. a longer version in The Holy Spirit or Power from on High (Harrisburg, PA: Christian Publications, Inc., n.d.; original ed., 1895), 1:160-64.
12. Simpson, "The Power of Stillness," p. 37.
13. Ibid.
14. See H.M. Shuman's reference to Fenelon and Guyon in his introduction to A.W. Roffe's The Divine Touch (Gravenhurst, ON: n.p., 1926), p. 1; cf. A.W. Tozer's inclusion of Madam Guyon's poems in his anthology of poetry by orthodox mystics. The Christian Book of Mystical Verse (Harrisburg, PA: Christian Publications Inc., 1963), pp. 65-66, and his working definition of mysticism, pp. v-viii; cf. Tozer's endorsement of Molinos's The Spiritual Guide in his list of recommended books. David Fant Jr., A.W. Tozer, A Twentieth Century Prophet (Harrisburg, PA: Christian Publications, Inc., 1964), p. 181; cf. Keys to the Deeper Life (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1957), p. 16, where Molinos is listed with other "saintly souls."
15. Quoted in Richard W. Bailey, "The Alliance's Theologian," Alliance Witness 121 (October 8, 1986), p. 22. I am indebted to John Sawin for a copy of the original text of this document. See also Pardington's article, "Resting in God," Christian Alliance Weekly 11 (July 11, 1890), p. 8, written when he was 24 years old.
16. Ibid., p. 24.
17. George Pardington, Studies, pp. 52, 53, 54, 124-25, 163-64.
18. Ibid., pp. 163-64. Pardington interpreted monasticism and mysticism as understandable reactions against the worldliness and formalism of the church. However, both movements discredited themselves by virtue of their extremism. Biblical orthodoxy called for "holding the middle ground" which would "preserve the balance and harmony of both truth and life."
19. George Pardington, The Still Small Voice: Quiet Hour Talks (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1902).
20. Sarah A. Lindenberger, Streams from the Valley of Berachah (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.), pp. 21-22.
21. Ibid., p. 124.
22. Ibid., p. 108.
23. Ibid., p. 109.
24. A.B. Simpson, Natural Emblems of Spiritual Life (New York: Word, Work and World Pub. Co., n.d.), pp. 51-53, esp. p. 52. On quietness as "the greatest work of the Holy Ghost" see A.B. Simpson, Divine Emblems in the Book of Exodus (New York, NY: Word, Work and World Pub. Co., 1888), pp. 79-81, esp. p. 80.
25. Ibid., p. 53; cf A.B. Simpson, "God's Challenge," Triumphs of Faith 40 (July 1920), pp. 155-56.
26. Simpson, Emblems, p. 53.
27. A.E. Funk, "I will be as the Dew Unto Israel," Triumphs of Faith 9 (Sept. 1889), p. 194.
28. Pardington, The Still Small Voice, p. 26; cf. D.Y Schultz, The Paraclete, revised and enlarged edition (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1917; original edition, 1903), p. 24.
29. Ibid., p. 28, 30-31, 97-107.
30. F.E. Marsh, Emblems of the Holy Spirit (London: Pickering and Inglis, 1923), pp. 192-207, esp. pp. 199-200. I have been unable to locate a smaller first edition by the same title published in 1884 in which Marsh briefly discussed the symbolism of the dew.
31. F.E. Marsh, The Christian Worker's Equipment (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1900), pp. 236-37.
32. See Lesson 29 in Henry Wilson, Bible Lamps for Little Feet (Nyack, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1894), pp. 98-101.
33. A.B. Simpson, Millennial Chimes, A Collection of Poems (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1894), pp. 14-19.
34. See Simpson's discussion of "deeper peace" and "deeper power" in Higher and Deeper (South Nyack, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.) pp. 36-38, esp. p. 38.
35. Kenneth Mackenzie, Elijah, A Character Study (Brooklyn, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.), pp. 12-13; cf. A.B. Simpson, "The Elijahs and the God of Elijah," Living Truths 1 (September 1902), pp. 119-20.
36. Ibid., pp. 9, 10.
37. Bill Pitts, "Holiness as Spirituality: The Religious Quest of A.B. Simpson" (Paper delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, December 1987, Boston, MA), p. 14.
38. Simpson, "Power of Stillness," p. 37.
39. A.B. Simpson, The Christ Life (Harrisburg, PA: Christian Publications Inc., 1925), pp. 69, 72-73, 74, 76; Echoes of the New Creation (Nyack, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing co., 1903), pp. 66-68; cf. Pardington, The Still Small Voice, pp. 103-104; Lindenberger, Streams from Berachah, p. 124. Simpson's use of the "prayer of recollection" is analyzed more extensively in a larger ecumenical context by Dwayne Ratzlaff, "An Old Medieval Message: A Turning Point in the Life of A.B. Simpson," in David Hartzfeld and Charles Nienkirchen, ed., The Birth of a Vision (Beaverlodge, AB: Horizon House Publishers, 1986), pp. 177-186.
40. A.B. Simpson, Correspondence Bible School Deeper Truth and Life: The Life of Prayer, Tenth Study (n.p., n.d.), pp. 7-8.
41. A.B. Simpson, "The Secret of Prayer," Living Truths 4 (March 1904), pp. 126, 125-26.
42. Pardington, The Still Small Voice, pp. 171-81.
43. George Pardington, "The Prophetic Element in Preaching," Living Truths 7 (January 1907), pp. 17-21. F.E. Marsh compared those Christian workers who were "acquainted with the exterior of the things of God, but [who] know nothing of their inward power and reality" to the Old Testament Gehazi. They lapsed into dead formalism because of succumbing to the temptation "to substitute action for meditation and communion" while doing "the so-called work of the Lord." The Christian Worker's Equipment, pp. 241, 251.
44. Simpson, Higher and Deeper, p. 40.
45. A.B. Simpson, The Love-Life of the Lord or The Deeper Lessons in the Book of Canticles, second edition revised, (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1895), pp. 43-52, esp. pp. 51, 52.
46. George Pardington, "The Sense of Christ's Presence," Triumphs of Faith 9 (March 1889), pp. 51-52.
47. A.B. Simpson, From the Uttermost to the Uttermost: The Life Story of Josephus Pulis (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1914), p. 43.
48. Ibid., p. 47.
49. Ibid., pp. 55, 56, 69.
50. A.B. Simpson, The Christ of the Forty Days (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.), p. 233.
51. A.B. Simpson, The Holy Spirit or Power from on High (Harrisburg, PA: Christian Publication, Inc., n.d.; original ed., 1895), 2:70. Cf. A.B. Simpson, A Larger Christian Life (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1890), pp. 90-91.
52. Ibid., p. 72.
53. Ibid., pp. 73, 75; cf. Simpson, A Larger Christian Life (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1890), pp. 90-91.
54. [A.B. Simpson] Editorial, The Christian Alliance and Foreign Missionary Weekly 12 (February 16, 1894), p. 1; Practical Christianity (Brooklyn, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1901), pp. 61-62.
55. A.B. Simpson, Nyack Diary (1907-1916), entries in 1907 for August 9, 22, 28; September 5, 6, 12, 13. A copy of this diary is in the Canadian Bible College and Canadian Theological Seminary Archives, Regina, SK. Simpson had written in The Christ of the Forty Days, p. 233: "...it is also true that at each successive stage of our life and work, and at each new departure, there must be a tarrying for power."
56. See W. W. Simpson's letter to A.B. Simpson, October 17, 1916. A copy of this letter is in the Canadian Bible College/Canadian Theological Seminary Archives, Regina, SK.
57. Simpson, Nyack Diary, entries for August 9, 1907 and October 6, 1912.
58. Ibid., entry for October 6, 1912.
59. George Pardington, The Crisis of the Deeper Life (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1925; original edition, 1906), p. 212.
60. Ibid., p. 213; cf. Simpson's and Wilson's similar advice on how to maintain the sanctified life. Simpson, Correspondence Bible School Deeper Truth and Life, Study No. 3, The Indwelling Christ (n.p., n.d.) pp. 14-16, esp. p. 16; Wholly Sanctified (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1890), pp. 111-112; Henry Wilson, The Internal Christ (New York, NY: The Alliance Press Co., 1908), pp. 27-28, on "Restfulness-Activity in Him."
61. Pardington, Crisis, p. 217; cf. Wilson's discussion of "deeper voices" and "larger visions" in Internal Christ, pp. 48-50, as the fruit of one's progress in sanctification.
62. Some of the best examples of this holism are the two chapters on "The Body and Religion" in Spirit, Soul and Body (New York, NY: The Alliance Press Company, 1910), pp. 80-108, authored by J. Hudson Ballard, Principal of the Wilson Memorial Academy; cf. Kenneth Mackenzie Jr., "Divine Healing," Triumphs of Faith 19 (April 1899), pp. 93-94. On the psychosomatic nature of many illnesses see A.B. Simpson, "The Connection Between Spiritual and Physical Life," Triumphs of Faith 18 (September 1898), p. 215; Friday Meeting Talks or Divine Prescriptions for the Sick and Suffering (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1894), p. 32.
63. Kenneth Mackenzie Jr., Divine Life for the Body (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1926), pp. 145-47, esp. pp. 146-7. Simpson referred to quietness as one of his "sedatives" which curbed the nervous, impulsive streak in his temperament and cured "one form of ]his] heart trouble [which] came from excitement and wasted strength." See his tract My Medicine Chest or Helps to Divine Healing (New York, NY: Christian Alliance Pub. Co., 1913), p. 3.
64. Kenneth Mackenzie Jr., "The Relation of Divine Healing to Nervous Prostration," Triumphs of Faith 23 (November 1903), pp. 251-53; cf. Mackenzie's chapter, "The Conditions of the Maintenance of the Life of Redemption" in Redemption: A Study (Brooklyn, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1903), pp. 70-83, esp. p. 73.
65. Josephus Pulis, "A Wonder of Divine Power," Triumphs of Faith 21 (September 1901), p. 197.
66. Henry Wilson, The A.B.C. of Divine Health (New York, NY: The Alliance Press Co., 1908), pp. 40-41.
67. First Annual Report of The Christian and Missionary Alliance 1897-8 Christian and Missionary Alliance New York (n.p., n.d.) pp. 10-11.
68. Sarah Lindenberger, "The Work of Berachah Home," The Christian Alliance and Missionary Weekly 4 (March 21-28, 1890), p. 207.
69. Ibid.
70. Ibid., p. 208; cf. Kenneth Mackenzie's criticism of the error of monasticism in turning solitude into a "perpetual isolation" to the denial of man's societal nature. Though solitude definitely enhanced one's communion with the Lord, it was only intended for a season. Elijah, p. 12.
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid., pp. 208, 207. One of the stated objectives of the Berachah Home was "to be a place of spiritual rest and instruction for the deepening of the life in Christ, and where His children can wait upon Him to hear His voice and receive the fullness of His Spirit." See Year Book of the Christian Alliance and the International Missionary Alliance 1893 (New York NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.), p. 48.
73. Sarah Lindenberger, "Some Truths of Divine Healing," Triumphs of Faith 33 (January 1913), p. 42; "Berachah, House of Rest and Healing," The Ninth Annual Report of The Christian and Missionary Alliance (Reorganized) (n.p., n.d.), p. 81; cf. "Divine Healing and Berachah Work," The Thirteenth Annual Report of The Christian and Missionary Alliance (Reorganized) (n.p., n.d.), p. 111, in which she described the ministry of Berachah Home as a "quiet work."
74. See the catalogue of the New York Missionary Training College Ninth Session, Oct. 13, 1891--May 1, 1892 (n.p., n.d.) p. 8, available in the Nyack College Archives, Nyack, NY.
75. The Nyack Schools of The Christian and Missionary Alliance (1914-1915) Catalogue Nyack-On Hudson (n.p., n.d.), p. 7. In its promotional literature the Missionary Training Institute took full advantage of its idyllic setting in terms of catering to the physical and spiritual needs of the students. See The Romance of The Missionary Institute at Nyack-On Hudson, New York (n.p., 1933), pp. 11, 25.
76. Catalogue (1916-1917) Nyack Schools of The Christian and Missionary Alliance Nyack-on Hudson (n.p., n.d.), p. 8.
77. Manual of The New York Missionary Training Institute, Nyack Heights, Nyack, New York (1911) (n.p., n.d.), p. 8. In locating an Alliance settlement at Nyack Heights, Simpson hoped to rival the major east coast summer convention sites at Old Orchard, Maine and Ocean Grove, New Jersey. See "Nyack College Centennial," South of the Mountains 26 (October/December 1982), p. 6.
78. Manual (1911), p. 26. Students at the Missionary Training Institute were required on a daily basis to participate in 3-4 hours of prayer and worship exercises of an individual and corporate nature.
79. Pardington's The Still Small Voice (1902) was a compilation of his Quiet Hour addresses.
80. Manual (1911), p. 26.
81. The Criterion (Published by the Class of 1913 of Wilson Memorial Academy Nyack-on-the-Hudson) (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.), 1:43.
82. The Missionary Training Institute catalogues for 1920, 1923-24, 1924-25 and 1925-26 mention only the "Quiet Hour" privately observed by students in their rooms on a nightly basis. See The Missionary Institute Calendar (1920), Nyack-On-Hudson, N.Y. (n.p., n.d.), p. 7; Catalogue of the Missionary Training Institute of the Christian and Missionary Alliance (1923-24), Nyack-On-Hudson, New York (n.p., n.d.), p. 12; Catalogue of the Missionary Training Institute of the Christian and Missionary Alliance (1924-25), Nyack-On-Hudson, New York (n.p., n.d.), p. 12; Catalogue of the Missionary Training Institute of the Christian and Missionary Alliance (1925-26), Nyack-On-Hudson, New York (n.p., n.d.), p. 11.
83. For Simpson's theological convictions regarding the Lord's Day see First Corinthians: The Principles and Life of the Apostolic Church, Christ in the Bible Series, vol. 18 (Harrisburg, PA: Christian Publications Inc., n.d.), pp. 139-152; cf. his endorsement of Sabbath-keeping because of "inherent reasons connected with the mental and physical welfare of man..." as well as his criticism of anti-Sabbatarianism as a source of stumbling and perplexity to Christians. Correspondence Bible School Christian Doctrine Study No. 6: The Sabbath (n.p., n.d.), pp. 9, 3.
84. The Twentieth Annual Report of the Christian and Missionary Alliance (Reorganized) (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing co., 1917), p. 79.
85. A.E. Thompson, A.B. Simpson: His Life and Work, rev. ed., (Camp Hill PA: Christian Publications, Inc., 1960), p. 105; cf. Pardington's discussion of the Alliance's "unique convention system" in Twenty-five Wonderful Years, pp. 78-79, esp. p. 79: "The fact is we have contracted the convention habit. For of the Alliance it may be said, 'Conventions ye have always with you.'"
86. Ibid., p. 80.
87. See Simpson, Days of Heaven upon Earth: A Year Book of Scripture Texts and Living Truths (Brooklyn, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1897); Elim, Its Wells and Palms (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1910); When the Comforter Came (New York, NY: The Alliance Press Co., 1911); Life More Abundantly (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1912); Count Your Blessings or Records of Promise and Answered Prayer (Nyack and New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.); Heart Messages for Sabbaths at Home (Nyack and New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.); cf. Louise Shepard, The Christian Alliance Birthday Book (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1894); Heavenly Manna Bible Messages for a Month (Nyack and New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1898).
88. A.B. Simpson, The Life of Prayer (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1915; original edition, 1890), p. 112; cf. Simpson's understanding of the difference between the stillness required by Buddha and the rest and intimacy offered by Christ. The Four-Fold Gospel (Brooklyn, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1890), pp. 65-66.
89. Kenneth Mackenzie, An Angel of Light (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1917), p. 188: cf. Mackenzie's insistence that the inner spiritual cravings capitalized on by eastern religions, spiritism, theosophy and Christian Science are adequately fulfilled in the Spirit-filled life. Anti-Christian Supernaturalism (Nyack and New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., n.d.), pp. 123-59, esp. p. 155.
90. Thompson, Simpson, pp. 171-83.
91. A.B. Simpson, Earnests of the Coming Age (New York, NY: Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1921), p. 135.
92. A.B. Simpson, Correspondence Bible School Deeper Truth and Life: The Secret of Peace, Second Year, Ninth Study (n.p., n.d.), pp. 2-4; cf. Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, Christ in the Bible Series, vol. 20 (New York, NY: The Alliance Press Co., 1899), pp. 101-106, esp. p. 101.
93. Kenneth Mackenzie, "Jesus and Our Mortal Flesh," The Alliance Weekly 56 (March 18, 1922), p. 5.
94. Paul Rader, "Report of the President of the Christian and Missionary Alliance (1919-1920)," The Christian and Missionary Alliance: The Twenty-third Annual Report (1919-1920) (New York, NY: The Christian Alliance Publishing Co., 1920), pp. 9-10.